Questioning Development

Questioning Development

Yogesh Snehi
The Tribune, Sunday, March 16, 2003
Chandigarh, India

It is easy to brush off any such arguments in absence of relevant statistics relating to work participation, income generation, spending habits of women and, above all, the ownership of resources. ESO statistics on wages paid to agricultural and skilled labourers in Haryana categorises only men, as if female labourers do not exist there, says Yogesh Snehi.

FOR the last one month I have been frequenting the offices of Haryana government in search of some gender statistics, which are the part of a project undertaken by National Commission for Women (NCW). When I last visited Delhi in December for the purpose of a research grant, Sudha Malaiya, member NCW, gave me the task of collecting the statistics on women entrepreneurs in Haryana. I had to report back after one week with the relevant information. I was also told that I would get this statistics from the Department of Industries of the state.

When I reached the Big Bay building in Sector-17, Chandigarh, which houses many important Haryana government offices, I did not know that I have landed myself in trouble. I started from the clerk level thinking that they would know the details about the data collection at the ground level. I was in the Department of Industries then. The very inquiry about 'women entrepreneurs' sounded strange there. The first thing that I was asked was which state did I belong to. When I told them that I was from Punjab, they responded by saying that such a thing (women entrepreneurs) may exist in Punjab but is unknown in Haryana.

When I contacted the Economic and Statistical Organisation (ESO), I had to wrestle with myself to explain the meaning of the term 'women entrepreneurs'. I translated it into kam dhanda karne wali mahilayen and could sense the air of suspicion around there. Actually, they thought that I had come to collect statistics on 'whores in Haryana'. Such is the level of ignorance and insensitivity about gender issues in the various government departments of Haryana. The scene is all the same in others states also. I thought that probably the labour department would be able to help me. There, I was told that they do not collect data on the basis of gender.

Out of desperation, I went to the Director, Department of Industries, where I was directed to his deputy. He told me that such a survey had never been undertaken in the history of Haryana and according to his oral knowledge there are hardly any women entrepreneurs in Haryana, who actually own and run business enterprises. Even if there are some, they are among rich and influential who, in order to save tax, float women as sleeping partners. This was not abnormal for me because poor condition of women is well documented in national and international reports.

The ESO was good enough to gift me a copy statistical abstracts of Haryana 2000-01. When I looked into it, I found that except for some selected social indicators like literacy rate, school enrolment ratio and sex ratio etc., the whole lot of information was in totals. Interestingly, the hue and cry which has recently been raised about the plight of women in Haryana is closely related to the question of power. It is easy to brush off any such arguments in absence of relevant statistics relating to work participation, income generation, spending habits of women and above all the ownership of resources. Interestingly, ESO statistics on wages paid to agricultural and skilled labourers in Haryana categorises only men, as if female labourers do not exist there!

The issue has gained significance since the evolution of Human Development Index (HDI). Human Development Report, which has been published yearly by UNDP since 1990 has drawn more attention towards social indicators to substantiate the indicators of development. This is significant because any strategy towards improving the standing of women would incline on the development indicators of that region. One would wonder at the level of development planning in the absence of these statistics in Haryana. I can visualise Amartya Sen's views on the 'missing women' in development.

Fortunately, independent agencies like UNFPA have dwelled upon the mortality rates of the state and found the incidence of female foeticide in Haryana. It shows that the state has the worst trends in the world. Census 2001 is doing a commendable job in this respect and has recently come out with statistics on female labour force. It has included women workers in the informal sector in it’s comprehensive surveys. State governments have to learn important lessons from Census 2001 and other international agencies to improve statistical documentation for effective planning of 'real development'.

Patriarchal Attitudes Control Female Bodies

Patriarchal Attitudes Control Female Bodies

Yogesh Snehi
The Tribune, Sunday, September 1, 2002
Chandigarh, India

ONE thing which a woman can perhaps claim to be her own is her body. But sadly , patriarchal attitudes exercise control even overthis from an early age, manifesting themselves in the case of a girl child. To simplify my point, I will raise a question. Have you ever wondered why a male child has an unquestionable right to be naked and why is it that a girl child has no such right?

This is exactly how the 'female bodies' are controlled by the chauvinistic ideas of men. By this 'cover-up operation', a social foundation of its own sort is created. First the body of a girl is to be hidden and later to be sought after when she becomes a woman, in a kind of game of hide and seek. Here, the advertisement of Liril bathing soap strikes my mind. It shows a female bathing below a fountain that portrays a urinating male child. This speaks volumes about male attitudes.

This is an embodiment of the power play for subordination of women. Young men always tend to be highly preferential in their choice of life partner: slim and slender, with curvaceous figure, soft and tender. This reflects the psychological aspects of patriarchy. Men's dislike for strong women shows their contempt for powerful women, who deflect their 'line of control'. Men like women in a supporting role wherein they flaunt their slim and delicate bodies.

Little girls are 'sugar and spice and everything nice'. Too much knowledge defeminises them, endangers their beauty, makes them boyish. Beauty is fragile. It requires protection much like museum art. Beautiful women are priceless treasures, enhancing the power of those who control them, but powerless themselves. Little girls who play boys' games are in danger of letting their physical and intellectual strength develop, while their beauty and sexuality evaporate. Delicate clothes and gentle activities help to protect female fragility and define little girls' gentler hold on society".

There is also a moral linkage, which supersedes the bodily arguments. Women are told that they are more moral, more understanding and humane than men. This tends to suggest that women should be tolerant of any abuse by men, both sexually and mentally. These attributes seem to assert an almost complete control of men over females.

Feminists contend that standards of beauty are socially constructed. One such example comes from anthropological and sociological research that suggests the preference for a certain kind of body shape among women is not random, but is linked to economic factors. When women have access to economic independence, a thin standard is preferred. Where women are denied access to economic power, marriage is favoured and the emphasis is on more curvaceous body form. Thus, it appears that when women are less likely to be controlled by traditional institutions such as marriage, another form of social control is introduced, in this case the expectation of extreme thinness.

These bodily preferences have serious implications in India. Our patriarchal norms are very strictly underlined and adhered to. No matter how much educated a women may become, she finally has to follow patriarchal formulations. For example, a guy, Akash, had conflicting expectations of his life partner. He did not object to his wife wearing jeans when she accompanied him to a public place, but minded if she wore the same in front of his parents. While she becomes a sex and status symbol for men in a public place', tradition subordinates her in the family.

Her treatment as a beauty object is epitomised in the media portrayal of women. It may either be a car or soap, a washing machine or cosmetics, everywhere it is a woman who sells—sells for her subordination.

What it Takes to be a Man

What it Takes to be a Man

Yogesh Snehi
The Tribune, Sunday, August 11, 2002
Chandigarh, India

WHAT does it take to be a man? If someone asks me this question, my answer will be "everything." This may sound cynical to many who perceive the question of being male or female from clearly lined social parameters. These gender norms, which have been ingrained in the social attitudes, cater to the stringent patriarchal formulations. Interestingly gender as an academic field emerged only since 1970s.

I seek to question gender norms from the point of view of identity. This question has been central to me since my early days of childhood. The development of my identity here is contrary to what is generally (believed to be naturally) thought to be standard. Thanks to my parents who have never guided me in the light of social stereotypes, I had the right to cry and have an emotional outburst until the end of my teens. Never had I been tagged "girlish" by my parents. This is one of the most important dimensions to my experiments in realising my identity. Thus the notion that ‘men don’t cry’ does not fit on me.

This approach to myself has indeed helped me a lot in understanding the question of gender better. Long before I was initiated into hostel life, my mother had trained me in every such activity which was considered to be the privilege of only girls; cooking, nurturing, washing, cleaning etc. This was important during those days because when I interacted with my fellow students in the hostel, I found these traits more or less absent in them.

Naturally, this opened a pandora’s box of questions regarding ‘my identity.’ Those initial years were very painful as I found myself an odd man out. The characteristics which my peers considered necessary to constitute their identities—aggression, rude and bullying demeanour—were missing from my personality. I did not conform to the socially acceptable standards of what ‘being a man’ meant. My soft tone and feeble physique added to my woes.

This question of gender was not settled until I was initiated into the subject of gender relations in my postgraduation. I strongly feel that the outline society tends to create in order to regulate the affairs of human beings does no good to their development as human beings. I find men and women pondering over the question of their identities until they die.

It was not until the 1970s that women came forward in sports. Earlier this was only the prerogative of men. Even today ‘work’ at home and outside is divided strictly on gender lines, that is, men’s work and women’s work.

I feel that questioning of gender is important to ensure equity and equality. Education, financial security and work participation have emerged as important tools to ensure empowerment of women, which in turn ensures opportunities in the social sphere. There is hardly any sphere in which women can not contribute.

The losers are only a majority of those men who have not been able to come out of their cocoons and the traditional gender bifurcation still rules their mind.

Redefining the Man-Woman Relationship

Redefining the Man-Woman Relationship

Yogesh Snehi
The Tribune, Sunday, October 27, 2002
Chandigarh, India

GENDER hierarchies in a society are determined by some universal subject-object projections. In physical terms 'subject' would mean or represent the doer of an action and 'object' is affected by such action or in simple words, subject 'does' and it is 'done' on the object. In almost every society, man is considered a subject and women an object. It is but an obvious model of patriarchal setups. Interestingly these underlying hierarchies, which create domination-subordination, evolve inequitable positions in the society.

Women's objectification has a lot to do with her sexual status. The very act of sex, in its 'penetrator-penetrated' model, places women at the receiving end. Such a model has been centre to ancient societies too. However, the relationship there did not symbolise hierarchies but roles (male with bija and female with bhumi). Today, the societal attitudes are determined by the former (sex-model).

An important outcome of this is seen in the attitudes of men. Despite linguistic and cultural diversity in India, verbally abusive terminology shares a common platform. It gives expression to in-built social attitrudes and sexualises women. The abuse may be directed on anyone but it women who is 'penetrated' and 'objectified'. These symbols find inroads in the early childhood from peer influence. Interestingly, in Punjab and Haryana husbands verbally abuse their wives and children in a similar fashion. There cannot be any doubt about male perception of females in this westernised urban setup. 'Modern' dress codes and physical outlook play a significant role in furthering this perception. Women regard 'mini' clothes as an expression of freedom. Also, the preference for sleek and slender bodies has become a standard. This fits well in the subject-object model. Most men believe that modern dress codes have sexualised women.

Media plays a catalytic role here. Most of the advertisement campaigns are complimented on. Interestingly the gendered identification of cars and bikes with 'she' exemplifies the driver-driven relationship. Although the latest model of a motorbike (Bajaj pulsar) claims it to be a 'truly male', 'the gaze of the bike' replicates another version of subject-object relationship. This brings forth another relationship of 'seer-seen' and it is again taken up by attractive advertisement campaigns. What is seen? Female bodies. By whom? Men.

There lies a paradox in women's perception. Some radical women question this subject-object formula and believe the opposite to be true. They feel that women control men's attention and are the subjects. Men, however, feel that ultimately they 'drive' women. Since this model is based on the sexual projection of hierarchies, it is strongly opposed by many feminists. They contend that women who labour more than men are undoubtedly doers and subjects and men are objects.

This explains us why the women who were revolutionaries and revered have been virgin or single and continue to be such. Both religious and non-religious traditions are full of examples of virgin females. Shakta traditions glorify mother goddess as the creator, sustainer and the destroyer. There are plenty of such examples in the French Revolution.

In the final analysis we see that subordination exists more at the sexual and physical levels. At the emotional and philosophical plains these differences cease to exist. The present societal setup is highly influenced by the sexual model—thanks to the rising consumerism, which owns a greater responsibility for objectification of women. No wonder, we see a sharp rise in the number of cases of sexual abuse and rape.

Questioning Gender Norms

Questioning Gender Norms

Yogesh Snehi
The Tribune, Sunday, October 6, 2002
Chandigarh, India

My brother’s birth is announced with the clang of brass,
My own with the sound of broken shards,
The old folks weep, the plough boy laments and even the herdsman cries."

IN everyday life ‘sex role’ generally demarcate the ‘gender roles’. Sex role refers specifically to behaviours determined by an individual’s biological sex, such as menstruation, ejaculation, pregnancy and lactation. Gender roles, on the other hand, are socially created expectations for masculine and feminine behaviour. Exaggerating both real and imagined aspects of biological sex, each society sorts certain polarised behaviours and attitudes into two sets, then labels them "male" and "female".

In most societies, child-rearing is assigned to females and it becomes central to the female gender role, with the result that it is treated as if it were a biological imperative for females. Such societal perceptions of gender are sometimes also constructed through ignorance. One interesting example is the role of producing a male child. Traditionally, it has been the female who was cursed for not delivering a male offspring. Despite large-scale awareness on this matter, truth still eludes social manifestations.

Historically, these gender formulations have defined male attitudes towards women counterparts. Interestingly, these attitudes start manifesting themselves in the perceptions of the youth at an early age. When Anand of the Department of Mass Communication was asked how he perceives women, his reply was based on the traditional stereotypes of men; loving, caring, tolerant, sweet-tempered, God-fearing, sensitive and understanding. When questioned about the opposite traits possessed by men, his reply was that ‘men are like this’.

Gagan, of the Department of Pharmacy expressed a similar view that gender roles are determined by nature and biology. His emphasis was on the chastity of women and her honour. However, he compromised on the chastity of men, regarding it as a social norm.

These segregated norms of gender, which, off and on try to reinvent themselves, in one form, or other, are culturally sustained by the effective patriarchal continuum. The best example of these norms is the practice of ‘bride price’ which existed in colonial Haryana and was later replaced by dowry. Women, in general, by accepting these socialised norms, and men in particular (by imposing these as the family head) are equally responsible for iniquitous nature of gender formulations. When Gagan was asked how would he feel if he is placed in the situation of a woman, he obviously felt uncomfortable and regarded patriarchal norms as a part of cultural values.

Redefinition of gender norms has implications for both men and women. Everyone among respondents was critical about the changing attitudes of today’s women. Clothing was specially contested, Surjit of Laws being an exception. Surjit’s comments on the changing attitudes were contradictory in nature. Though clothing was not an issue for him, his views were highly reflective of dominant male perceptions. He did not want a life partner of equal professional status and believed that whatever may be the case men's decision ‘should’ be final. Most boys were positive about helping their prospective wives as far as household chores were concerned. This was occasional and rare.

With female foeticide rampant in Punjab and Haryana, little can be visualised about the future role of women. However, there are some very inspiring findings in the report of Census 2001. Haryana has seen a dramatic rise in number of working women in the past one decade. According to this report there 27.3 per cent of women working in Haryana as against 10.7 per cent in 1991. While economic security of women is giving them decision-making power, this is in no way changing the attitudes of men. Deepak of the Department of Physical Education believes that even if both men and women are working women follow men. None of the boys interviewed wanted women to be dominant.

An interesting aspect of all this was boys’ perception of their life partners (sex partner in particular). The opinion was divided on this topic. While Korak of Department of Physics and Ambuj of the Department of Philosophy believed sex to be an activity of mutual consent and that women should not submissive, Anand and Surjit believed that women should be submissive and understand the ‘male urge’. Opinion was divided on the issue of ‘empowerment’. Most of the boys felt that women should be educated and become economically stable. However, Gagan was of the opinion that women’s work outside the household would lead to an increase in the levels of general unemployment. Surjit held the empowerment responsible for the mounting social problems (especially divorce).

There is no doubt about the fact that education is redefining the gender roles. The boys living in the hostels generally know how to cook. Ambuj believed in an active interaction between life partners and emphasised on shared responsibilities. Psychoanalysis of the interviewed boys tells us that they lean more upon women for emotional support. Korak seeks a life partner who is emotionally supportive, while Ambuj seeks one who is talkative. It was also clear that men were expecting their life partners to be a model of what they have never been; not over-emotional, religious, not dominant, not sentimental etc.

This whole debate of changing gender roles has indeed made things more complex. There has been a sharp increase in the violence meted out to women. Recent statistics given by the Institute of Development and Communication (IDC) shows a manifold increase in the cases of wife bashing, dowry, eve teasing, rape and molestation. When the dress code of girls was put to debate among boys, they unanimously declared that it was responsible for increasing violence against them. Such ideas reflect upon the foundations on which youth base their future attitudes.

The issues discussed above are very complex and the socio-cultural norms that define, gender roles explosive in nature. This whole debate of redefinition of gender roles will not be of much help unless men are actively involved and a serious step towards sensitisation of gender issues is taken up. A more productive mechanism, which involves both men and women, for the purpose of questioning gender norms and sensitising boys and girls, will have to be evolved.

In Punjab Daughter Means Disgrace

In Punjab Daughter Means Disgrace

Yogesh Snehi
The Tribune, Sunday, July 20, 2003
Chandigarh, India

SEX ratio patterns in Census 2001 have sent shock waves throughout India. The dramatic fall in the sex ratios in the country, especially in the states of Punjab and Haryana, in the last one-decade has alarmed the demographers and social scientists (see Table). Similar situation prevailed in India during the days of the British East India Company and the Crown. Social Scientists agree that female infanticide has historically been responsible for such an alarming scarcity of females in India.

Major Lake, the Deputy Commissioner of Gurdaspur district drew the attention of the government in Lahore to his discovery (on 24th of November, 1851) of the "prevalence of Infanticide among the Bedis in Dera Baba Nanak in his district". Munhas Rajputs who were superior in plains used to bury the infant alive. It is reported that the body was placed in an earthen vessel and the top was covered with a thick paste. At times, the child’s mouth was covered with cow dung or her head was immersed in cow’s milk. Generally a small dose of opium was given to cause immediate death.

Gender bias against females has a long history in Punjab. The birth of a daughter was mourned and the birth of a son was greeted with joy. The daughter meant disgrace, anxiety and heavy expenditure, whereas the son increased the parents’ wealth and dignity. A couplet recited by the Bedis show their brutality;

"Goor Khaiea, poonee kutteea,
Ap na aieea, bhay an ghutteea"
(Eat your goor, and spin your thread, but go and send a boy instead)

There indeed was "this sense of feeling small, an abasement of the self that occurred at the birth of a girl, could in some cases be extremely humiliating at the time of her marriage." This is narrated through a couplet;

Whoever has not seen a tiger may see a cat,
Whoever has not seen Yama (messenger of death) may see a son-in-law.

The "masculinisation" of the economy during the colonial period made the male child even more desirable. The colonial policy of agrarian commercialisation which led to the establishment in law of private alienable property, the reinforcement of class differentiation among rural people, the monetisation of the heavy revenue demand and the cultivation of indigo and opium besides other cash crops transformed the society of Punjab in significant ways. Accordingly only men could own family property. This led to alienation of ancient right of women in family property. Land was hence struck off from the list of stridhan.

Timely payment of revenue forced the peasants to take loan and in event of failure of crops they sunk into indebtedness. British generated new job opportunities for ‘martial races’ in defense and development. All this and the effects of recruiting in British Indian Army from the ranks of Punjabi peasants, particularly the land tilling Jats, generated a demand for strong young men who would be employed with a cash wage, awards of land and eventually pensions, led to a preference for male children and in those days a family comprising only male children could only be ensured through selective female infanticide.

Another important change took place with the emergence of a ‘middle class’ in colonial Punjab. This had significant impact on gender relations in Punjab. The practices of the higher castes were emulated by the lower castes. Middle class men engaged in intellectual and practical battles seeking superior status devoted substantive energy in reorganising women’s lives, reiterating norms of correct behaviour for them, regulating their behaviour in public spaces, and with the castes and classes marked ‘low’. In the quest for achieving appropriate class behaviour, women were re-situated within caste. Among politically powerful Jats this led to emulating of manners associated with high castes.

This tightened the control over women. On the one hand female sexuality was used to subordinate her and on the other hand the ideal of pativrat’ was put forth.

There is no greater love than that for her husband’s feet/She must worship her husband in her heart.

The question of female infanticide in Punjab needs a fresh analysis and to understand its dynamics and the reasons for its continuity an understanding of the past is needed.

It is More than Just Child’s Play!

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